#Top secret folder open free

However, no compromising SB documents exist about him at all, once he joined the Solidarity Coastal Free Trade Union in the following years. At different times in his career Wałęsa had both admitted and denied that he has identified individuals during his interrogations recorded there. The SB security police tried to recruit Wałęsa several times and maintained the Bolek file between 19. To make the matters worse, some of the photocopies went missing from the secret police records during Wałęsa's presidency of Poland (1990–1995), which some commentators perceived as a more serious problem inhibiting the post-communist process of lustration in Poland.

Even Janusz Kurtyka, president of the Institute of National Remembrance at the time, believed it was true, while admitting that the book did not contain a 'hundred-percent' proof of Wałęsa in fact being the agent Bolek. Cenckiewicz defended his discoveries on those basis. The book was perceived by some as very controversial but it contained over 130 pages of documents in support of its thesis, originating from the archives of the SB secret service, which were inherited by the IPN. A 2008 book by historians from the Institute of National Remembrance (IPN), Sławomir Cenckiewicz and Piotr Gontarczyk, presented evidence provoking a nationwide debate. Wałęsa has been accused of having been an informer for the Polish secret police Służba Bezpieczeństwa (SB) already in the early 1970s. Adam Galos, Krystyna Zachwatowicz and many others. Jerzy Zdrada, Aleksander Hall, Władysław Frasyniuk, Prof. Andrzej Zoll, Józef Życiński, Andrzej Wajda, Prof. Jerzy Buzek, Tadeusz Mazowiecki, Jan Nowak-Jeziorański, Prof. Kłoczowski was defended against slander based on a fałszywka produced by Security Service, in a letter of protest published in Rzeczpospolita in 2004, and signed by a number of Polish public personalities, including Prof. Numerous prominent politicians, such as the Minister Władysław Bartoszewski (former Auschwitz concentration camp prisoner), and Professor Jerzy Kłoczowski (member of the UNESCO Executive Board), have been noted among their targets. įollowing the revolutions of 1989, the fałszywkas were catalogued by the Institute of National Remembrance in accordance with its own mandate, and subsequently also made available to the public based on the right to request access to recorded information held by government organizations (RFI). Writer Jerzy Urban noted, that (if available) signatures of alleged collaborators, from unrelated documents, were also photocopied and pasted into fałszywkas before reprints. The Ministry of Public Security used them frequently, said Czempiński, stating also that often the officers who signed them were created out of thin air. The Security Service of the Ministry of Internal Affairs made sure that only the photocopies were in circulation, because they could not be denounced as fake, and were easy to make. Nobody ever saw the original document (as in the case of Lech Wałęsa). The former head of the State Protection Office (UOP), General Gromosław Czempiński, described the method in which typical fałszywka used to be made. Some politicians claim it was fabricated and then 'leaked' to the media (as 'proof' of his betrayal of Solidarity) in an attempt to prevent Wałęsa from being awarded the Prize. Most notably, some have argued that an entire forged file of this sort was produced in the 1980s and then disseminated by the communist establishment about the leading dissident and future President of Poland Lech Wałęsa when he was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize. These included seemingly stolen or declassified revelations about opposition members working as alleged police informants under the Soviet system. fałszywki) were used from the beginning of the People's Republic against opponents of the Communist system. Their purpose was to undermine the popularity of prominent opponents of Polish United Workers' Party, mainly by attempting to ruin their good name as private individuals.

Fałszywka (English: false document or forgery) is a Polish socio-political term describing counterfeit top secret files and fake police reports produced by the Ministry of Public Security in the People's Republic of Poland.

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